Zones denote not the demise of the state but the productionof new forms of territory, the ideal of which is a space of exceptionto national and often international law. A key example isthe so-called free-trade zone. Free-trade zones are a growingphenomenon, stretching from Pudong District in Shanghai tothe Cayman Islands, and even the business districts and portfacilities of New York State, and are promoted as conduits forthe smooth transfer of capital, labor, and technology globally(with smooth defined as a minimum of delay as national bordersare crossed). Free-trade zones are in one sense discrete physicalspaces, but they also require new networked infrastructureslinked through the algorithms that underwrite geographic informationsystems (GIS) and global positioning systems (GPS) andcomputerized supply-chain management systems, as well as thestandardization of container and shipping architecture and regulatorylegal exceptions (to mention just some of the protocolsthat produce these spaces). Equally important, zones are understoodas outside the legal structure of a national territory, even ifthey technically lie within its space.10
These are links to books which are freely and legally available to download. Neither Lawvere and Schanuel, nor Mac Lane, are thus available. Both books however are mentioned in the linked reading list.
Like its predecessor, the best-selling CyberSociety, published in 1994, Cybersociety 2.0 is rooted in criticism and analysis of computer-mediated technologies to assist readers in becoming critically aware of the hype and hopes pinned on computer-mediated communication and of the cultures that are emerging among Internet users. Both books are products of a particular moment in time, and serve as snapshots of the concerns and issues that surround the burgeoning new technologies of communication. After a brief introduction to the history of computer-mediated communication, each essay in this volume highlights specific cyber societies and how computer-mediated communication affects the notion of self and its relation to community. Contributors probe issues of community, standards of conduct, communication, means of fixing identity, knowledge, information, and the exercise of power in social relations.
Of course, many of these contrasting Virtues (modesty, resignation, submissiveness on the one hand, cynicism, contempt, arrogance, confidence, self-importance, even smooth talk and cunning on the other) are also taught in the Family, in the Church, in the Army, in Good Books, in films and even in the football stadium. But no other Ideological State Apparatus has the obligatory (and not least, free) audience of the totality of the children in the capitalist social formation, eight hours a day for five or six days out of seven.
It is quite obvious that it is necessary to proceed towards a theory of ideologies in the two respects I have just suggested. It will then be clear that a theory of ideologies depends in the last resort on the history of social formations, and thus of the modes of production combined in social formations, and of the class struggles which develop in them. In this sense it is clear that there can be no question of a theory of ideologies in general, since ideologies (defined in the double respect suggested above: regional and class) have a history, whose determination in the last instance is clearly situated outside ideologies alone, although it involves them.
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